Luffy puppet

製作媒材：maku puppet 支援自製flash配件與部落格貼圖
第二個頭像圖案『マクペットを作ろう』
マクコッド：c722a1b3e27f59h8i8i117

FEIST beta

FEIST official

http://rapidshare.com/files/192287398/FEIST_BETA.zip
http://proddl.com/lwe5hdlf669q/_FEIST_BETA.zip_
http://www.mediafire.com/file/memydy...FEIST_BETA.zip

今天早上的 FM96.3

從上車開始，一路聽到公司

有時候，沒有把注意力轉移開的原因，是因為它很美好；有時候，那吸引人的，是未知，從深處誘發的好奇心

一如往常，上班時間的收音機播報著新聞時勢，以及早安您好性質的節目

人天天都要喝水，有的味道喝久了就慣了，自己也不太會發現，但有些水的味道就是不對勁，像是消毒過度的游泳池水、老舊飲水機夾著塑膠味的熱水

國內SLB籃球比賽裁判問題、簡短的英語教學節目、股市分析、對於H1N1流感與官員的對談訪問

劉兆玄說他也有看這場比賽……國內事情這麼多，行政院長只剩下跟著一個結果很顯然的議題喊「對～沒錯～」來營造形像了嗎？

英語教學節目，今天的題目是 conflict interests，中文叫做「衝突利益」，使用的例句內是說官員和從所事職務有關的商人親屬要利益迴避，但是我們最近在電視上看到的實例似乎不是如此。喔，還有，現在不但電腦維修的客服可以練習北京話，連廣播的英語教學節目都可以學習到了，聖荷西以後要改叫聖荷賽。

國際經濟因H1N1流感所造成的震撼，股市未來可能發生波動而盤整……這預防針似乎打很大，一個脆弱、 不健全到某種程度的個體，連小朋友騎三輪車都可以把它撞倒跌個顱內出血，一台摩拖車打個方向燈要轉進來就開始高喊我如果有個閃失就是他害的。真是把每天刀頭舔血的神鬼戰士給看的太無行為能力了。

車子到了公司，和官員的訪談仍在進行中，不過內容是什麼已經不重要了，不外乎就是擁戴現在政府的基調，專領域用語的裝飾堆積，和老是問「你現在感覺怎樣？」的記者差不多的專業內涵。

東西的故事 The Story of Stuff

The Story of Stuff, International
『救命啊！請不要亂消費！』台灣專網

寬恕的機會

不原諒，他還是你的爸爸
他怎麼做，就有他該面對的，但那是他的部分

『你們中間誰是沒有罪的，誰就可以拿石頭打他。』這是聖經裡的一段話
捫心自問，誰沒有過錯？我們以什麼來審判他人？
因為別人犯了錯，把我們自己的責任義務丟下，那就是我們的部分了

人生是一條不斷作選擇的路，一起走在路上的人有很多，也會互相影響，但作出決定的最終是自己
人生的課題，逃的了一時，沒作完，沒學會，它還會再來

時間有限，拿它來練習什麼，你就愈熟練什麼，如此而已

網頁小遊戲

Rag Doll Cannon
Karoshi 過勞死
Shift 黑白交換空間
The Fancy Pants Adventure 褲哥歷險記
The Fancy Pants Adventure 2 - 褲哥歷險記 2
Loco Roco 2 樂克樂克2
BubbleQuod 泡泡人闖通關
Amberial 球球的奇幻冒險

The American Promise - Sen. Barack Obama

Remarks of Senator Barack Obama
"The American Promise"
Democratic National Convention
August 28, 2008
Denver, Colorado

As prepared for delivery

----

To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation;

With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.
.
Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest - a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours -- Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.

To the love of my life, our next First Lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia - I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.

Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story - of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.

It is that promise that has always set this country apart - that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.

That's why I stand here tonight. Because for two hundred and thirty two years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women - students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.

We meet at one of those defining moments - a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.

Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit card bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.

These challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.

America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.

This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.

This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he's worked on for twenty years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.

We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.

Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land - enough! This moment - this election - is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: "Eight is enough."

Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.

But the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.

The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives - on health care and education and the economy - Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors - the man who wrote his economic plan - was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a "mental recession," and that we've become, and I quote, "a nation of whiners."

A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.

Now, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?

It's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.

For over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy - give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is - you're on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No health care? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps - even if you don't have boots. You're on your own.

Well it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America.

You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.

We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President - when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.

We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job - an economy that honors the dignity of work.

The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great - a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.

Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.

In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.

When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.

And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She's the one who taught me about hard work. She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.

I don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States.

What is that promise?

It's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

It's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves - protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.

That's the promise of America - the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.

That's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.
.
Change means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.

Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.

I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.

I will cut taxes - cut taxes - for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.

And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.

Washington's been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them. In that time, he's said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.

Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.

As President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy - wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.

America, now is not the time for small plans.

Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance. I'll invest in early childhood education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American - if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.

Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American. If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.

Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.

Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.

And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.

Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime - by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less - because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.

And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our "intellectual and moral strength." Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents; that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.

Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility - that's the essence of America's promise.

And just as we keep our keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.

For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell - but he won't even go to the cave where he lives.

And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we're wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.

That's not the judgment we need. That won't keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.

You don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice - but it is not the change we need.

We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans -- Democrats and Republicans - have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.

As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.

I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.

These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.

But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism.

The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America - they have served the United States of America.

So I've got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.

America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose - our sense of higher purpose. And that's what we have to restore.

We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise - the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.

I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that's to be expected. Because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.

You make a big election about small things.

And you know what - it's worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.

I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.

But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.

For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us - that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it - because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I've seen it. Because I've lived it. I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.

And I've seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.

Instead, it is that American spirit - that American promise - that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.

That promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours - a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.

And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.

The men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.

But what the people heard instead - people of every creed and color, from every walk of life - is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."

America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise - that American promise - and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.

Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.

REF "Barack Obama Democratic Convention Speech (VIDEO) (TEXT)"

As I lay me down to sleep...

標題是睡前祈禱文的(通用?)開頭。

會注意到這個，是因為昨天逛WoW板文章的時候，爬到WotLK資料片的最新消息，死亡騎士的飛行座騎（影片如下）

大約一半之後，開始有小孩唸咒的聲音，一整個感覺很棒，拿來當起床鬧鐘或是手機鈴聲應該很特別……便開始想要找它的原曲，如果是後來才被mix進來這段音樂的話。
於是在『在哪裡發現問題，就從哪裡開始查起。』的原則下（我亂掰的），直接回文向看板上的如雲高手請教，應當是最明智（其實是懶）的做法。隔天回來看，真的有高手（強者、達人? anyway...）提供資訊了！
循線查到了它是Undertaker的某支主題曲
（相關詞 Kid Rock Theme, American Badass）


附上連結內附的祈禱文：

Kids: As I lay me down to sleep (lay me down),
I pray my soul is mine to keep (my soul),
And never step outside this bed (never),
Into all the evil (all the evil),
Now back from the dead.

*Kids laugh*

Kid Rock: Are you scared?

Kids: He's here...

對睡前禱文有興趣的朋友可以參考【這裡】，有一些常見的內容。（裡面提到女兒會怕而改寫的地方還蠻可愛的 :P）

P.S.向搖滾達人的老同學，喬治．高．肉塊，請教的結果，Undertaker那首應該就是原曲了。另外提供了Metalica的Enter Sandman裡面也有一段睡前禱文，不過張力小很多，有興趣的再參考唄。

【 品牌的反思－No Logo 】

摘自 @live數位時尚雜誌 APR.2004 No.13
文：彭懷恩（世新大學新聞系教授）penfrank@cc.shu.edu.tw

　　商品全球化的結果是兩面的，一方面是跨國公司如耐吉〈Nike〉、殼牌石油〈Shell〉、麥當勞在強大的資本及技術為後盾的推力下，成為征服世界市場的亞歷山大。另方面是跨國公司將生產工廠移到第三世界勞動力低廉、環保標準不足的地方，其結果是工業先進國家的工人階級面臨大量失業的困境。這種全球化的負面作用，已激起全世界各地的反全球化運動，但在高聲吶喊、抗議的背後，能夠深刻反思緣由，對症下藥的詳述，並不多見。娜歐密．克萊恩Naomi Klein的 "No Logo" 是少數傑出的宏觀論述，這本中文譯作雖厚達五百多頁，但仍被國內文化界推薦為2003年的非小說類的十大好書之一。

　　克萊恩1970年生於加拿大蒙特婁，就如她自述：「記得我就讀小學四年級時，正是貼身的名牌牛仔褲炙手可熱之際，我和我的朋友花了不少時間查看對方的後臀以尋找商標。」從商標的迷戀者，克萊恩隨著知識與親身的視察體驗，她轉向成為當代反思品牌文明最深刻、最重要的文化觀察者。No Logo 就是她對商品全球化的全面批判，其中涉及第三世界名牌代工工廠的黑暗面，字字血淚，令人無法不動容反省。

　　"No Logo" 一書從商標之網絡開始探討全球化對跨國公司進軍全世界各地的衝擊，就如作者所述：「從可口可樂到麥當勞到摩托羅拉，各家公司無不依著這種後國際願景 〈post national vision〉 來調整自己的行銷策略。不過，還是 IBM 長期推動的 "為我們的小行星找出解決之道" 計畫，最生動地道出了這個由商標串連的星球所編織出的平等願景。」

　　可是在全球化的樂觀表象下，另一種地球村卻呈現迥然不同的慘況，那就是「耐吉運動鞋的生產源頭是剝削勞工的越南廠房，芭比娃娃的小禮服可上溯至蘇門達臘的童工。殼牌石油則可追溯到尼日三角洲橫遭污染的貧窮村落。」

　　所以，No Logo 的立論很簡單，「一旦愈來愈多的人發現全球商標網絡背後的品牌秘辛，他們的憤怒將引爆下一波浩大的政治運動，激烈的抗議浪潮也將正面沖向各家跨國企業，尤其是那些聲譽卓越的名牌。」

　　若認為作者克萊恩的觀點不過是馬克思的支配剝削之現代版，那就錯了。因為左派的關照點是階級衝突，克萊恩則是反映對名牌全球化造成的 No Product, No Space, No Choice, No Jobs　的負面作用，全面性的檢視。簡單的介紹如下：

（一）No Product
　　克萊恩指出：全球化所造就最深刻的改變之一，就是在於架構一個以全世界為範疇的生產–消費網絡，在商品的世界裡頭，企業從產品的製造者轉為品牌的經營者，製造實物是個累贅，一流企業應該擺脫生產，全力透過各種行銷手法，不斷告知、引誘消費者。

　　就如狄塞爾牛仔褲的老闆羅索〈Renzo Rosso〉說的：「我們不賣產品，我們賣的是生活風格。」名牌設計師卡爾曼〈Tibor Kalman〉也指出這變化的趨勢：「商標的原始概念是品牌，但如今商標成為了美麗的文體象徵。」基此，假如商標並非產品，就什麼東西都有可能是了。難怪，Playboy雜誌銷路直線下降時，透過商標授權而生產的各種服飾、文具用品、甚至家具等的獲利，可以直沖雲霄。

（二）No Choice
　　知名品牌的跨國企業可能打著選擇多樣的口園，但顯而易見，在全球化的行銷策略下，產生了一列齊步走的消費者複製兵團，好像穿「制服」的一群人，在大型購物中心中前進。儘管全球化帶來多種族的色彩，但名牌及仿冒品的充玉，使消費者的選擇範圍大大的減少，說不一定，有一天喝咖啡就只有星巴克的選擇了！

　　過去的名牌是以精品店的行銷方式，形成市場金字塔頂尖的分眾，但新的潮流趨勢是名牌也以超商或批發賣場〈outlet〉進行所謂的「品牌炒作」〈brand-extension〉。如此就使精品大眾化，排擠打壓中小型企業的生存空間。
　　品牌跨國企業不只是滿足於全單一產品的市場，在資本主義擴張的邏輯下，企業併購與合作是創造商標化迴路〈branded loop〉的捷徑，如迪士尼與ABC，貝塔斯曼〈Bertelsmann〉與藍燈書局〈Random House〉，花旗與旅行家〈Travelers〉等購併成整合公司，進行無所不包的品牌促銷，就好比維京航空老闆布蘭森就無所不用其極的將「維京」商標，用在毫不相干的領域，還洋洋自得。

（三）No Space
　　在跨國公司全球化的攻城掠地下，電視、網路、廣播、城市、鄉村都可看到大同小界的廣告，甚至百無人跡的曠野，都難逃他們的符號。更離譜的是，我們甚至自願把全身上下戴滿品牌的Mark，好像活動廣告。在這品牌世界，人別無空間可循逃。

　　迪士尼的主題公園顯然是商標化的典範。在佛羅里達州的「歡慶城」〈Celebration〉是史上第一座迪士尼鎮，成為生活風格商品化的最終目標：將品牌變成生活本身。表面上，這城鎮看不到迪士尼的品牌符號，但就如社會學家哈森福魯格〈D. Hassenpflug〉指出的：「連街道都受到迪士尼的控管－這是一個偽裝成公共空間的私人空間。

（四）No Jobs
　　既然只是賣名牌，不是賣產品，產品是累贅，員工也是累贅，跨國企業從歐美出走，累積了居高不下的失業率，造就第三世界部分國家短暫的榮景，可是當工資高漲時，跨國公司老闆是毫不猶豫的將工廠搬到勞動力更低廉的地方。

　　於是一種無常的感受在人力市場飄盪，從辦公室臨時雇員、高科技的獨立承包商，到餐廳及零售業的員工，無人的以安穩工作，放眼所有的產業，臨時合約正取代全職、穩定的工作。借用布萊恩的章節名稱，「培養不忠」，連企業的執行長都朝不保夕，遑論一般員工？

（五）So What?
　　這小標題是筆者自己加的，面對全球化的巨大動力，面對龐大勢力的企業團體，面對國家機器與企業勾結的事實，個人的無力感與憤世〈Cynicism〉似乎是無可避免的選擇。但布萊恩顯然不是坐而言批評家，她親身參與了反全球化的運動，也看到實踐上的成果。

　　例如耐吉球鞋的剝削工廠醜聞透過國際媒體及網路的全面討伐，已使耐吉必須全面改善這些工廠的工作條件，雖然離合理的標準還有一段距離。同樣的故事，在殼牌石油、麥當勞的反品牌運動上，都有實質進展。

　　當然，面對強大勢力的跨國企業，及深入人心的品牌印象，高倡 No Logo 是陳義過高的理想方式。唯我們若能反思名牌究竟為何的意涵，若能洞察資本主義的符號邏輯之荒謬性，至少我們個人，將可從被動的品牌消費者轉變成地球公民的角色。特別是在全球資訊網路時代，透過網際網路的傳播，對於那些不肖的跨國公司，我們可以進行一場既高科技又草根的抗議運動，使世界更自由、平等，且多元化。


【相關連結】
> [Naomi Klein | No logo]
> "No Logo" 介紹：[博克來網路書店] [時報悅讀網]
>《反品牌，反全球化经济？》

Take me home, country roads

"Take my home, country roads" by John Denvor


Almost heaven, west virginia
Blue ridge mountains
Shenandoah river -
Life is old there
Older than the trees
Younger than the mountains
Growin like a breeze

All my memories gathered round her
Miners lady, stranger to blue water
Dark and dusty, painted on the sky
Misty taste of moonshine
Teardrops in my eye

(Chorus)
Country roads, take me home
To the place I belong
West virginia, mountain momma
Take me home, country roads

(Bridge)
I hear her voice
In the mornin hour she calls me
The radio reminds me of my home far away
And drivin down the road I get a feelin
That I should have been home yesterday, yesterday

Country roads, take me home
To the place I belong
West virginia, mountain momma
Take me home, country roads
Take me home, now country roads
Take me home, now country roads

《心之谷》主題曲

耳をすませば テーマ曲 ”カントリーロード”

片段 - 五重奏


卡拉OK - 簡中、日文字幕


　ひとりぼっち　恐れずに
　生きようと　夢見てた
　さみしさ　押し込めて
　強い自分を　守っていこ

　歩き疲れ　たたずむと
　浮かんで来る 故郷(ﾌﾙｻﾄ)の街
　丘をまく 坂の道
　そんな僕を　叱ってる

　(Chorus)
　カントリー・ロード
　この道　ずっとゆけば
　あの街に　続いてる
　気がする　カントリー・ロード

　(Bridge)
　どんな挫(ｸｼﾞ)けそうな　時だって
　決して 涙は見せないで
　心なしか 歩調が速くなってく
　思い出　消すため

　カントリー・ロード
　この道　故郷(ﾌﾙｻﾄ)へ続いても
　僕は　行かないさ
　行けない　カントリー・ロード
　カントリー・ロード
　明日は　いつもの僕さ
　帰りたい　帰れない
　さよなら　カントリー・ロード

雜記 2007【拾壹】

1115

創造力與教育—以童玩為例(十五)
『廣告上常強調：別讓你的孩子輸在起跑點上，我不禁想問諸位母親，你是怕你的孩子早夭嗎？』

a mail excerpt:
『平添許多煩惱　真的插手又未必是幫』

1119

申根公約

「往後台灣旅客只要取得申根公約國任何一國的簽證，就可入境這些國家，不需像過去還要申請個別簽證。」
「申根15國：奧地利、比利時、丹麥、芬蘭、法國、德國、冰島、義大利、希臘、盧森堡、荷蘭、挪威、葡萄牙、西班牙和瑞典。這些國家是今天的申根區。
「即將加入申根公約的9國為捷克、愛沙尼亞、匈牙利、拉脫維亞、立陶宛、馬爾他、波蘭、斯洛伐克和斯洛維尼亞。」

maru

People

Posted by Hello

Hi there!

This is the first post of this blog.
Hope that the content will be richer as the time pasts.
Welcome :)

今天是農曆二月十四（宜: 平治道塗 修飾垣墻 忌: 修廚, 作灶）
搭部落格應該也算是「修飾垣墻」的一種吧
昨晚打了開春第一響雷，正所謂萬物復甦，希望能有個個好兆頭:P